what is the purpose of president woodrow wilson’s speech "war message to congress"?
The Fourteen Points was a statement of principles for peace that was to be used for peace negotiations in order to end World War I. The principles were outlined in a January eight, 1918 speech communication on war aims and peace terms to the Us Congress past President Woodrow Wilson. However, his main Allied colleagues (Georges Clemenceau of French republic, David Lloyd George of the Britain, and Vittorio Orlando of Italy) were skeptical of the applicability of Wilsonian idealism.[one]
The U.s. had joined the Triple Entente in fighting the Central Powers on Apr 6, 1917. Its entry into the war had in office been due to Germany'southward resumption of submarine warfare against merchant ships trading with France and United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland and also the interception of the Zimmermann Telegram. Yet, Wilson wanted to avert the U.s.a.' involvement in the long-standing European tensions between the great powers; if America was going to fight, he wanted to effort to separate that participation in the war from nationalistic disputes or ambitions. The need for moral aims was made more important when, afterwards the fall of the Russian authorities, the Bolsheviks disclosed hush-hush treaties made between the Allies. Wilson's spoken communication besides responded to Vladimir Lenin's Decree on Peace of November 1917, immediately afterwards the Oct Revolution in 1917.[ii]
The speech communication made by Wilson took many domestic progressive ideas and translated them into foreign policy (free trade, open agreements, democracy and self-determination). 3 days earlier United Kingdom Prime number Government minister Lloyd George had fabricated a speech setting out the Britain's war aims which bore some similarity to Wilson'south speech but which proposed reparations be paid past the Central Powers and which was more vague in its promises to the non-Turkish subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The Fourteen Points in the speech were based on the research of the Research, a team of about 150 advisers led by strange-policy adviser Edward M. Business firm, into the topics probable to ascend in the anticipated peace conference.
Background [edit]
The immediate cause of the Usa' entry into World State of war I in April 1917 was the German annunciation of renewed unrestricted submarine warfare and the subsequent sinking of ships with Americans on board. But President Wilson's war aims went beyond the defense force of maritime interests. In his State of war Bulletin to Congress, Wilson declared that the The states' objective was "to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world." In several speeches earlier in the year, Wilson sketched out his vision of an terminate to the state of war that would bring a "just and secure peace," not merely "a new balance of ability."[3]
President Wilson subsequently initiated a secret series of studies named the Research, primarily focused on Europe, and carried out by a group in New York which included geographers, historians and political scientists; the group was directed by Edward 1000. Firm.[4] Their job was to report Centrolineal and American policy in virtually every region of the globe and analyze economic, social, and political facts likely to come up in discussions during the peace conference.[5] The grouping produced and collected most 2,000 separate reports and documents plus at least ane,200 maps.[5] The studies culminated in a speech past Wilson to Congress on Jan 8, 1918, wherein he articulated America's long-term war objectives. The speech was the clearest expression of intention made by whatever of the belligerent nations, and it projected Wilson's progressive domestic policies into the international arena.[four]
Speech [edit]
The speech, known equally the Xiv Points, was developed from a set of diplomatic points by Wilson[6] and territorial points drafted by the Inquiry's full general secretary, Walter Lippmann, and his colleagues, Isaiah Bowman, Sidney Mezes, and David Hunter Miller.[7] Lippmann'south draft territorial points were a direct response to the secret treaties of the European Allies, which Lippmann had been shown by Secretarial assistant of War Newton D. Baker.[7] Lippmann's task, according to House, was "to take the undercover treaties, analyze the parts which were tolerable, and dissever them from those which were regarded as intolerable, and so develop a position which conceded as much to the Allies equally it could, but took away the poison.... It was all keyed upon the undercover treaties."[seven]
In the speech, Wilson directly addressed what he perceived equally the causes for the world war by calling for the abolitionism of secret treaties, a reduction in armaments, an adjustment in colonial claims in the interests of both native peoples and colonists, and freedom of the seas.[v] Wilson besides made proposals that would ensure earth peace in the time to come. For example, he proposed the removal of economic barriers between nations, the promise of cocky-determination for national minorities,[five] and a earth organization that would guarantee the "political independence and territorial integrity [of] great and pocket-size states alike" – a League of Nations.[3]
Though Wilson'due south idealism pervaded the Fourteen Points, he also had more applied objectives in mind. He hoped to keep Russia in the war past convincing the Bolsheviks that they would receive a improve peace from the Allies, to bolster Allied morale, and to undermine German war support. The address was well received in the United States and Allied nations and fifty-fifty by Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin, as a landmark of enlightenment in international relations. Wilson later used the Fourteen Points as the basis for negotiating the Treaty of Versailles, which ended the war.[3]
Text [edit]
In his spoken communication to Congress, President Wilson declared fourteen points which he regarded as the but possible footing of an indelible peace.:[nine]
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no individual international understandings of any kind only diplomacy shall proceed e'er frankly and in the public view.
Two. Accented freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in state of war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part past international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, and then far equally possible, of all economic barriers and the institution of an equality of merchandise weather condition among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments volition exist reduced to the lowest indicate consistent with domestic safety.
5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable regime whose title is to exist determined.
6. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of complimentary nations nether institutions of her ain choosing; and, more than a welcome, help also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russian federation by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their skilful volition, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
Seven. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other complimentary nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore conviction amidst the nations in the laws which they take themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with 1 some other. Without this healing human action the whole structure and validity of international law is forever dumb.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the incorrect done to French republic by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 50 years, should be righted, in order that peace may one time more than exist made secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
Ten. The people of Austria-hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.[10]
11. Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro should exist evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one some other adamant past friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economical independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are at present under Ottoman rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an admittedly unmolested opportunity of democratic development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened equally a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations nether international guarantees.
13. An contained Polish land should exist erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Smooth populations, which should be assured a costless and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economical independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed past international covenant.
Fourteen. A general association of nations must exist formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording common guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small-scale states akin.
Reaction [edit]
Allies [edit]
Wilson at outset considered abandoning his oral communication after Lloyd George delivered a spoken language outlining British war aims, many of which were like to Wilson'south aspirations, at Caxton Hall on January 5, 1918. Lloyd George stated that he had consulted leaders of "the Cracking Dominions overseas" before making his voice communication, then it would appear that Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Newfoundland were in broad understanding.[11]
Wilson was persuaded by his adviser Business firm to go alee, and Wilson's speech overshadowed Lloyd George's and is better remembered past posterity.[12]
The speech was made without prior coordination or consultation with Wilson'southward counterparts in Europe. Clemenceau, upon hearing of the Fourteen Points, was said to have sarcastically proclaimed, "The good Lord had only ten!" ( Le bon Dieu n'en avait que dix ! ). Equally a major public statement of state of war aims, information technology became the ground for the terms of the German surrender at the end of the First World War. After the speech, Firm worked to secure the acceptance of the 14 Points by Entente leaders. On October sixteen, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson and Sir William Wiseman, the head of British intelligence in America, had an interview. This interview was one reason why the German government accepted the 14 Points and the stated principles for peace negotiations.[ commendation needed ]
The report was fabricated as negotiation points, and the Fourteen Points were later accepted past France and Italy on November one, 1918. Britain subsequently signed off on all of the points except the freedom of the seas.[13] The United Kingdom too wanted Frg to make reparation payments for the war, and thought that should be added to the Fourteen Points. The spoken communication was delivered 10 months earlier the Armistice with Deutschland and became the ground for the terms of the German give up, as negotiated at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919.[14]
Key Powers [edit]
The speech was widely disseminated as an instrument of Allied propaganda and was translated into many languages for global dissemination.[15] Copies were also dropped backside German lines, to encourage the Fundamental Powers to surrender in the expectation of a just settlement.[5] Indeed, in a note sent to Wilson, Prince Maximilian of Baden, the High german royal chancellor, in October 1918 requested an immediate armistice and peace negotiations on the basis of the Fourteen Points.[16]
United States [edit]
Theodore Roosevelt, in a Jan 1919 commodity titled, "The League of Nations", published in Metropolitan Magazine, warned: "If the League of Nations is built on a document equally high-sounding and as meaningless as the speech in which Mr. Wilson laid down his fourteen points, it will just add one more than scrap to the diplomatic waste paper basket. About of these xiv points... would be interpreted... to mean anything or nothing."[17]
Senator William Borah after 1918 wished "this treacherous and treasonable scheme" of the League of Nations to be "buried in hell" and promised that if he had his way it would be "20,000 leagues nether the sea".[18]
Other countries [edit]
Wilson'southward speech regarding the Fourteen Points led to unintentional simply important consequences in regards to countries which were under European colonial dominion or nether the influence of European countries. In many of the Xiv Points, specifically points 10, Eleven, XII and XIII, Wilson had focused on adjusting colonial disputes and the importance of allowing autonomous development and self-conclusion. This drew significant attention from anti-colonial nationalist leaders and movements, who saw Wilson'due south swift adoption of the term "self-determination" (although he did not actually use the term in the speech itself) as an opportunity to gain independence from colonial rule or expel foreign influence.[nineteen]
Consequently, Wilson gained support from anti-colonial nationalist leaders in Europe's colonies and countries under European influence effectually the globe who were hopeful that Wilson would assist them in their goals. Around the world, Wilson was occasionally elevated to a quasi-religious figure; equally someone who was an amanuensis of conservancy and a bringer of peace and justice.[19] During this 'Wilsonian moment', at that place was considerable optimism amid anti-colonial nationalist leaders and movements that Wilson and the Fourteen Points were going to be an influential force that would re-shape the long established relationships between the West and the rest of the world.[19] Many of them believed that the The states, given its history (particularly the American Revolution) would be sympathetic towards the goals and aspirations they held. A common belief among anti-colonial nationalist leaders was the U.S., once it had assisted them in gaining independence from colonial rule or foreign influence, would establish new relationships which would be more favorable and equitable than what had existed beforehand.[xix]
However, the nationalist interpretations of both the Fourteen Points and Wilson'south views regarding colonialism proved to be misguided. In actuality, Wilson had never established a goal of opposing European colonial powers and breaking up their empires, nor was he trying to fuel anti-colonial nationalist independence movements. It was non Wilson'due south objective or desire to confront European colonial powers over such matters, every bit Wilson had no intention of supporting any demands for self-determination and sovereignty that conflicted with the interests of the victorious Allies.[19]
In reality, Wilson'due south calls for greater autonomous development and sovereignty had been aimed solely at European countries under the rule of the German, Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires. He did not explicitly outline this, although it is articulate that his calls for greater sovereignty in these regions was in an effort to try and destabilise those enemies' empires.[19] President Wilson's ambitions for the third world were rather to attempt to influence its development in order to transform information technology from 'astern' to 'sophisticated', the aim existence to incorporate it into the commercial world, so that the U.S could further benefit from trade with the global south.[20] Furthermore, Wilson did not believe the third globe was set up for self governance, asserting that a menstruum of trusteeship and tutelage from colonial powers was required to manage such a transition. Wilson viewed this approach equally essential to the 'proper development' of colonised countries, reflecting his views about the inferiority of the not-European races.[20] Moreover, Wilson was non past character or background an anti-colonialist or campaigner for rights and freedoms for all people, instead he was also very much a racist, a fundamental laic in white supremacy.[xx] For example, he had supported the 1898 U.Due south annexation of the Philippines whilst condemning the rebellion of the Philippine nationalist Emilio Aguinaldo, and strongly believed that the U.S was morally obliged to impose Western ways of life and governance on such countries, so that eventually they could govern independently.[xx]
Treaty of Versailles [edit]
President Wilson contracted Castilian flu at the beginning of the Paris Peace Briefing and became severely ill with loftier fevers and bouts of delirium[21] giving style to French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau to advance demands that were substantially unlike from Wilson's Fourteen Points. Clemenceau viewed Germany as having unfairly attained an economical victory over France because of the heavy damage High german forces dealt to French republic's industries even during the German retreat, and he expressed dissatisfaction with France'southward allies at the peace conference.
Notably, Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles, which would get known as the War Guilt Clause, was seen past the Germans as assigning full responsibleness for the state of war and its damages on Germany; notwithstanding, the same clause was included in all peace treaties and historian Sally Marks has noted that only German diplomats saw it as assigning responsibility for the war. The Allies would initially appraise 269 billion marks in reparations. In 1921, this figure was established at 192 billion marks. Notwithstanding, merely a fraction of the full had to exist paid. The figure was designed to look imposing and prove the public that Germany was being punished, simply information technology likewise recognized what Germany could not realistically pay.
Deutschland's ability and willingness to pay that sum continues to be a topic of debate among historians.[22] [23] Frg was also denied an air force, and the German ground forces was not to exceed 100,000 men.
The text of the Fourteen Points had been widely distributed in Germany equally propaganda prior to the end of the war and was well known by the Germans. The differences between this document and the final Treaty of Versailles fueled great anger in Germany.[24] German outrage over reparations and the War Guilt Clause is viewed as a likely contributing factor to the ascent of National Socialism. By the time of the Ceasefire of 11 Nov 1918, foreign armies had only entered Frg's prewar borders twice: at the Boxing of Tannenberg in East Prussia and following the Boxing of Mulhouse, the settlement of the French army in the Thann valley. These were both in 1914. This lack of whatsoever Allied incursions at the end of the War contributed to the popularization of the stab-in-the-back myth in Germany after the war.
Wilson was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize for his peace-making efforts.
Implementation [edit]
Ukraine [edit]
At the time Ukrainian delegations failed to receive whatever support from France and United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland. Although some agreements were reached, neither of united states provided any actual support every bit in general their agenda was to restore Poland and unified anti-Bolshevik Russian federation.[25] Thus Ukrainian representatives Arnold Margolin and Teofil Okunevsky had high hopes for American mission, but in the end found information technology even more than categorical than French and British:
This meeting, which took place on June thirty, made a tremendous impression on both Okunevsky and me. Lansing showed consummate ignorance of the situation and blind faith in Kolchak and Denikin. He categorically insisted that the Ukrainian regime recognise Kolchak as the supreme ruler and leader of all anti-Bolshevik armies. When information technology came to the Wilson principles, the awarding of which was predetermined in relation to the peoples of the former Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Lansing said that he knew but most the unmarried Russian people and that the only way to restore Russia was a federation modeled on the United States. When I tried to evidence to him that the example of the United States testifies to the demand for the preliminary existence of separate states equally subjects for any possible agreements betwixt them in the future, he evaded answering and began again stubbornly urging usa to recognise Kolchak. [...] Thats how in reality these principles were implemented. United states of america supported Kolchak, England – Denikin and Yudenich, France – Galler... Just Petliura was left without any back up.
—Arnold Margolin, Ukraine and Policy of the Entente (Notes of Jew and Citizen)
Notes [edit]
- ^ Irwin Unger, These Us (2007) 561.
- ^ Hannigan, Robert E. (2016). The Swell State of war and American Foreign Policy, 1914–24. Academy of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 125–129. ISBN9780812248593.
- ^ a b c "Wilson'due south Fourteen Points, 1918 – 1914–1920 –Milestones – Part of the Historian". history.state.gov . Retrieved 2016-01-02 .
- ^ a b Heckscher, p. 470.
- ^ a b c d east "President Woodrow Wilson'southward 14 Points". www.ourdocuments.gov . Retrieved 2015-12-xx .
- ^ Grief, Howard (2008). The Legal Foundation and Borders of Israel Nether International Police force: A Treatise on Jewish Sovereignty Over the Country of Israel. Mazo Publishers. p. 297. ISBN9789657344521.
- ^ a b c Godfrey Hodgson, Woodrow Wilson's Right Hand: The Life of Colonel Edward G. House (Yale University Printing, 2006), pp. 160–63.[ ISBN missing ]
- ^ Broich, John. "Why there is no Kurdish nation". The Conversation . Retrieved 2019-xi-07 .
- ^ "Avalon Project – President Woodrow Wilson'due south Fourteen Points". avalon.law.yale.edu . Retrieved 2015-12-20 .
- ^ (CS) PRECLÍK Vratislav. Masaryk a legie (Масарик и Легии), Ваз. Книга, váz. kniha, 219 str., vydalo nakladatelství Paris Karviná-Mizerov, Žižkova 2379 (734 01 Karviná, CZ) ve spolupráci due south Masarykovým demokratickým hnutím (изданная издательством «Пари Карвина», «Зишкова 2379» 734 01 Карвин, в сотрудничестве с демократическим движением Масаpика, Прага) , 2019, ISBN 978-80-87173-47-three,
- ^ "Prime number Minister Lloyd George on the British War Aims". The Globe War I Document Archive . Retrieved 8 January 2018.
- ^ Grigg 2002, pp. 383–85
- ^ Grigg 2002, p. 384
- ^ Hakim, Joy (2005). War, Peace, and All That Jazz. New York: Oxford Academy Printing. pp. sixteen–20. ISBN0195327233.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 471.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 479–88.
- ^ Cited in Newer Roosevelt Messages, (ed. Griffith, William, New York: The Current Literature Publishing Company 1919). vol 3, p. 1047.
- ^ Cited in Ivo Daalder and James Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Strange Policy (Washington: Brookings Establishment Press, 2003), p. 7.
- ^ a b c d e f Manela, Erez (2006-12-01). "Imagining Woodrow Wilson in Asia: Dreams of Due east-Westward Harmony and the Revolt against Empire in 1919". The American Historical Review. 111 (5): 1327–51. doi:ten.1086/ahr.111.5.1327. ISSN 1937-5239.
- ^ a b c d Knock, Thomas; Knock, Thomas (2019). To End All Wars (New ed.). Princeton University Press. ISBN978-0-691-19192-eight.
- ^ Solly, Meilan (October 2, 2020), "What Happened When Woodrow Wilson Came Down With the 1918 Influenza?", Smithsonian Magazine , retrieved 2020-12-07
- ^ Markwell, Donald (2006). John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace. Oxford University Press. [ ISBN missing ] [ folio needed ]
- ^ Hantke, Max; Spoerer, Mark (2010). "The imposed gift of Versailles: the fiscal effects of restricting the size of Federal republic of germany's armed forces, 1924–ix" (PDF). Economical History Review. 63 (iv): 849–864. doi:ten.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00512.x. S2CID 91180171. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-10-27.
- ^ The Curtailed Encyclopedia of World History (edited by John Bowle), publisher: Hutchinson of London (Nifty Portland Street) printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & co. in 1958, chapter 20 by John Plamenatz[ ISBN missing ]
- ^ The Mail service-Bully State of war Settlement of 1919 and Ukraine
References [edit]
- Ferguson, Niall (2006). The State of war of the World: Twentieth Century Conflict and the Turn down of the West. New York: Penguin Press. ISBN1594201005.
- Grigg, John (2002). Lloyd George: War Leader. London: Allen Lane. ISBN0-7139-9343-X.
- Heckscher, August (1991). Woodrow Wilson. Easton Press. ISBN0-6841-9312-4.
- MacMillan, Margaret (2001). Paris 1919. Random Firm. ISBN0-375-76052-0.
- Snell, John L. (1954). "Wilson on Frg and the Fourteen Points". Journal of Modern History. 26 (4): 364–369. doi:10.1086/237737. JSTOR 1876113.
External links [edit]
- Text of Wilson's bulletin to Congress outlining 14 points Jan 8, 1918
- Text and commentary from ourdocuments.gov
- Interpretation of President Wilson'southward Fourteen Points by Edward M. House
- "President Wilson's 14 Points" from the World War I Document Archive
- Wilson's shorthand notes from the Library of Congress
- Arthur Balfour's speech on the Fourteen Points to Parliament, on 27 February 1918 – firstworldwar.com
- Woodrow Wilson Library Wilson's Nobel Peace Prize is digitized. From the Library of Congress
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fourteen_Points
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